6:49 pm, Saturday, 25 October 2025

Turkey says Israel must be pushed to honor Gaza ceasefire

Sarakhon Report

Ankara turns up pressure on Washington

Turkey is openly challenging Israel’s handling of the Gaza ceasefire and calling on the United States and other allies to step in. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Israel is still carrying out strikes in Gaza despite the truce and warned that “real consequences” — including sanctions and suspending arms sales — may be needed if violations continue. He also said Hamas is, in Turkey’s view, abiding by the ceasefire terms, and argued that Israel is the one undermining the deal. Erdoğan has been steadily moving from the sidelines of the talks into a more central role after his recent meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump. He is now presenting himself as both a regional broker and a critic of how the truce is being enforced.

The debate is no longer just about stopping fire. It is about who will secure Gaza next. The United States is discussing an international stabilization force to oversee the truce and the first steps of reconstruction. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said any such force must be made up of “countries Israel is comfortable with.” That language is widely read as excluding Turkey, which Israel opposes inside Gaza. Erdoğan initially signaled that Turkey could send forces or civilian personnel, but then softened and said talks are ongoing on what shape any task force will take. He also urged wealthy Gulf states to finance Gaza’s rebuild.

The politics around Gaza now sit inside a bigger U.S.-led plan. Washington wants to hold the ceasefire, get hostages and remains returned, and build an interim governing structure in Gaza that does not include Hamas. Israel backs the “no Hamas in power” line and wants strict security control. Turkey is trying to keep a channel open to Hamas while also positioning itself as a future player in reconstruction. For people inside Gaza, however, the core demand is simpler: meaningfully open aid routes. The United Nations says needs are still massive and relief is still limited even with the guns largely quiet.

What comes next in Gaza

Diplomats say the next 72 hours matter. The ceasefire framework depends on several moving parts: Israel holding back large offensives, Hamas continuing to return hostages’ remains, foreign mediators moving supplies in, and a security plan that convinces Israel it is not handing Gaza to a hostile force. If any of those pieces fail, the truce could unravel fast. Erdoğan, meanwhile, is using this moment to argue that if the U.S. wants lasting quiet, it must also accept outside leverage on Israel — something Washington has traditionally resisted. That creates a new rift: Turkey is asking for pressure tools that the U.S. usually saves for rivals, not for partners.

Inside Israel’s government, there is deep resistance to letting Turkish personnel anywhere near Gaza’s post-war security structure. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already indicated he does not want Ankara in that force. Rubio backed Israel’s line, saying any international presence must match Israel’s comfort level. That leaves a narrow list of possible contributors and signals that the Gaza “stabilization force” — if it ever deploys — will be shaped in Jerusalem and Washington, not Ankara.

 

02:49:21 pm, Saturday, 25 October 2025

Turkey says Israel must be pushed to honor Gaza ceasefire

02:49:21 pm, Saturday, 25 October 2025

Ankara turns up pressure on Washington

Turkey is openly challenging Israel’s handling of the Gaza ceasefire and calling on the United States and other allies to step in. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Israel is still carrying out strikes in Gaza despite the truce and warned that “real consequences” — including sanctions and suspending arms sales — may be needed if violations continue. He also said Hamas is, in Turkey’s view, abiding by the ceasefire terms, and argued that Israel is the one undermining the deal. Erdoğan has been steadily moving from the sidelines of the talks into a more central role after his recent meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump. He is now presenting himself as both a regional broker and a critic of how the truce is being enforced.

The debate is no longer just about stopping fire. It is about who will secure Gaza next. The United States is discussing an international stabilization force to oversee the truce and the first steps of reconstruction. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said any such force must be made up of “countries Israel is comfortable with.” That language is widely read as excluding Turkey, which Israel opposes inside Gaza. Erdoğan initially signaled that Turkey could send forces or civilian personnel, but then softened and said talks are ongoing on what shape any task force will take. He also urged wealthy Gulf states to finance Gaza’s rebuild.

The politics around Gaza now sit inside a bigger U.S.-led plan. Washington wants to hold the ceasefire, get hostages and remains returned, and build an interim governing structure in Gaza that does not include Hamas. Israel backs the “no Hamas in power” line and wants strict security control. Turkey is trying to keep a channel open to Hamas while also positioning itself as a future player in reconstruction. For people inside Gaza, however, the core demand is simpler: meaningfully open aid routes. The United Nations says needs are still massive and relief is still limited even with the guns largely quiet.

What comes next in Gaza

Diplomats say the next 72 hours matter. The ceasefire framework depends on several moving parts: Israel holding back large offensives, Hamas continuing to return hostages’ remains, foreign mediators moving supplies in, and a security plan that convinces Israel it is not handing Gaza to a hostile force. If any of those pieces fail, the truce could unravel fast. Erdoğan, meanwhile, is using this moment to argue that if the U.S. wants lasting quiet, it must also accept outside leverage on Israel — something Washington has traditionally resisted. That creates a new rift: Turkey is asking for pressure tools that the U.S. usually saves for rivals, not for partners.

Inside Israel’s government, there is deep resistance to letting Turkish personnel anywhere near Gaza’s post-war security structure. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already indicated he does not want Ankara in that force. Rubio backed Israel’s line, saying any international presence must match Israel’s comfort level. That leaves a narrow list of possible contributors and signals that the Gaza “stabilization force” — if it ever deploys — will be shaped in Jerusalem and Washington, not Ankara.