On January 11, at 5:54 PM, the Daily Prothom Alo online edition published a news titled, “Attacks on Minorities – 98% Motivated by Politics: Police Investigation.” The report revealed that, between August 4 and August 20, out of 1,415 reported cases of attacks and vandalism against minorities, 98.4% were politically motivated, according to information from the Chief Advisor’s press wing.
Lack of Clarity on “Political Motivations”
However, the press wing provided no clarification on what constitutes “political motivations” behind these attacks and acts of vandalism. The Bangladesh Penal Code does not categorize any crime as a “political attack” or “political vandalism.” Prior to 2024, there was no precedent for labeling such assaults on minorities in this manner. At most, grassroots political workers occasionally claimed that minorities were targeted for their perceived support of a specific political party during elections.
A New Narrative
For the first time, in August 2024, a responsible voice officially attributed attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian minorities to political reasons. This statement came from Dr. Muhammad Yunus, appointed Chief Advisor by the current administration under the President. Dr. Yunus is renowned as a globally celebrated NGO leader who, along with his organization, received the Nobel Peace Prize. His achievements are akin to those of other prominent figures, such as an African activist who was awarded the Nobel Prize for planting millions of trees and continuing her mission even after receiving the honor.
Dr. Yunus’s Grameen Bank is not merely an institution offering microloans at low interest rates; it also indirectly promotes women’s empowerment, a cornerstone of global human rights. Protecting minorities is similarly integral to any country’s human rights framework. Dr. Yunus has traveled widely through his extensive NGO work, particularly in Europe and America, regions that heavily fund NGOs. Having spent significant time in these diverse environments, he undoubtedly possesses insights into how such nations safeguard minority rights.
Unanswered Questions About Political Motivations
When Dr. Yunus states that attacks on minorities following Sheikh Hasina’s fall were politically motivated, it naturally raises questions: What exactly does “political motivation” mean in this context? As mentioned earlier, the Penal Code does not define such crimes, as all attacks, vandalism, and killings fall under the broad category of criminal offenses.
Even if one considers classifying certain acts of violence as politically motivated, how do attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu community fit this description? Are the attackers aligned with a political agenda explicitly aimed at persecuting Hindus? Or are Hindus being targeted because they represent significant political power, which they lack?
The Reality of Hindu Political Power in Bangladesh
Bangladesh is home to over 20 million Hindus—a substantial population. However, this number does not translate into real political power. Despite claims that Hindus overwhelmingly vote for the Awami League, how many Hindus in Bangladesh genuinely enjoy the freedom to cast their votes? Over the past three elections, minorities, like the majority population, have largely been unable to exercise their voting rights freely.
Since the elections of 1970 and 1973, have minorities truly been able to vote without fear or coercion? In many areas, they are often warned before election day not to participate. When they do vote, the elderly or women usually turn out due to fear and social pressure. One faction typically intimidates them into staying home, while another faction pressures them to cast their votes. As a result, Hindus in rural Bangladesh must navigate a precarious and dangerous balance.
The Political Disempowerment of Hindus in Bangladesh Since 1975
Since the political upheaval of August 15, 1975, the trajectory of political empowerment for Hindus in Bangladesh has diverged drastically. Before this shift, Hindus could, based on merit, hold positions in any political party, and prominent figures among them often became ministers. However, after 1975, successive governments and ruling parties adopted a strategy of “tokenism” toward Hindus, relegating them to symbolic roles in leadership. This approach replaced an era when nationally recognized figures like Phani Majumder and Manoranjan Dhar held ministerial positions between 1972 and 1975. Post-1975, politically and socially marginalized individuals were intentionally placed in such roles, systematically weakening Hindu political power.
Tokenism in Leadership
Since 1991, even the Awami League, often credited with being supportive of Hindus, has followed a similar tokenistic path. Did the Awami League appoint any prominent Hindu national figure as a minister after the 1975 changes? The answer is no. Instead, they, too, placed small-time traders or school teachers in ministerial positions, sidelining established Hindu leaders. This trend was mirrored in party ranks, where people with obscure backgrounds were handed leadership roles, often unknown even to their local Hindu communities.
Employment Representation
In terms of employment, while Hindus today face systemic exclusion in many areas, this was less pronounced in earlier decades. Although they did not receive proportional representation in government jobs relative to their population and education levels, Hindus held some significant positions. These included roles such as vice-chancellors, secretaries, and bank managing directors.
Comparison with India’s Minority Rights
The disparity becomes stark when comparing the political power and citizenship rights of minorities in Bangladesh with those in India. Despite communal riots in India, minorities there enjoy significant political and citizenship rights. For example, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, a Muslim, served as India’s President and Salman Khurshid held the position of Minister of External Affairs. It is inconceivable for a minority in Bangladesh to attain such positions.
Take Firhad Hakim, for instance. He is the mayor of Kolkata, the capital of West Bengal, and also a minister in the West Bengal government. In Bangladesh, not even in divisional cities like Khulna, Rajshahi, Chittagong, or Barishal, could one imagine a Hindu becoming mayor, let alone the capital Dhaka. The comparison of the political strength of over 20 million Hindus in Bangladesh to Firhad Hakim’s political influence recalls Syed Mujtaba Ali’s satirical story Padotika, where a scholar calculates the cost of a dog’s legs compared to the livelihood of a Brahmin family.
Stark Disproportions and the Need for Change
If an imaginary Bangladeshi scholar were to calculate the political equivalence of Bangladesh’s 20 million Hindus to Firhad Hakim’s political power, the result would highlight the extreme political disempowerment of Hindus in Bangladesh. This disparity has persisted for decades, yet the younger generation of Hindus in Bangladesh is determined to break this cycle and work toward a fair and just society.
Moving Beyond Tokenism
To achieve this, the focus must shift from fabricated narratives like “political attacks” to addressing systemic issues with integrity and truth. Burdening law enforcement with vague responsibilities only diverts attention from actual crimes such as attacks, murders, and assaults. The current police chief, an educated individual with expertise in international policing standards, must take steps to avoid perpetuating such tactics. Instead, he should focus on ensuring justice for all citizens, particularly minority communities, to alleviate their fears.
The Army’s Responsibility
Lastly, it is worth recalling the assurances made by the Army Chief following Sheikh Hasina’s government’s fall on August 5. In his address to the nation, he promised security for all citizens and encouraged minorities to remain in their homes rather than flee. As the architect of the current government, he bears a significant responsibility to end the “political attack” drama and ensure justice for the atrocities committed against minorities, reaffirming their rights as equal citizens of this nation.
The writer is a state award-winning journalist and editor of Sarakhon and The Present World.
Leave a Reply